The recent “bloodbath” in Balochistan on August 26 should serve as a wake-up call for everyone. Just two months ago, I was in Quetta, experiencing the vibrant cultural and intellectual life of the city. The students I met were politically aware and hopeful for a more peaceful future, yet they were also deeply concerned about the current state of affairs. Their frustrations reflect a larger, more troubling reality in the province.
Despite the energetic and optimistic engagement of Baloch and Pashtun youth during cultural festivals and discussions, there is a dark undercurrent of disillusionment. Many educated young Baloch are turning to militant groups, including young women, some of whom have carried out suicide attacks. This mirrors the situation in Sri Lanka during the Tamil insurgency, where young women became radicalized.
The Baloch insurgency has deep historical roots, exacerbated by post-9/11 extremism, sectarianism, and nationalism. I recall covering Aimal Kansi’s funeral in 2002, where the youth’s changing political attitudes were evident. The rise of religious extremism and the involvement in the Afghan Jihad under General Zia-ul-Haq shifted the political landscape, fostering an environment ripe for radicalization.
The decline of political engagement in Balochistan started with the banning of the National Awami Party (NAP) in 1973, leading to the first major insurgency. The subsequent involvement in Afghanistan’s conflict further destabilized the region, creating fertile ground for extremist groups. Despite warnings from politicians like Ghous Bux Bizenjo, the state’s neglect and mishandling of Balochistan’s issues only intensified the conflict.
Efforts to resolve the conflict, such as Nawaz Sharif’s initiative in 2013, showed promise but were undermined by political manipulations. The creation of new political parties and the defeat of key leaders like Hasil Bizenjo further eroded trust and hope for a peaceful resolution.
Today’s Balochistan is marked by a lack of effective leadership and a political vacuum that cannot be filled by so-called representatives chosen by the state. Engaging with genuine leaders like Dr. Abdul Malik and Sardar Akhtar Mengal, and listening to Baloch nationalist thinkers, is crucial for any meaningful progress.
The recent crackdown on media freedom, including the takeover of the Quetta Press Club and the harassment of journalists, only exacerbates the situation. Suppressing dissent and controlling the narrative will not solve the crisis.
The tragedy of August 26, coinciding with the anniversary of Nawab Akbar Bugti’s assassination, underscores the need for a new approach. The solution lies within Balochistan itself, not through manipulated mandates or external interventions. With a significant portion of the population being youth, there is potential for positive change. Engaging with young people, addressing their concerns, and ensuring their rights to resources and opportunities is essential for peace and development. Time is running out for mere promises; decisive action is needed now.
